Ukraine's Yulia Tymoshenko relished a solo performance on television last night, heaping insults on arch foe Viktor Yanukovych after he shunned a prime-time debate with her ahead of a presidential run-off.
Facing an empty rostrum where Mr Yanukovych should have stood in their scheduled 100-minute duel, the Prime Minister Ms Tymoshenko branded him "a common coward" for not turning up. "I believe that an empty spot is exactly what he is," said Ms Tymoshenko, wearing her trademark braids. "And although he is absent from here, I can feel his smell. This is the smell of fear. I do not want a common coward to become the next leader of our nation," she said.
Opposition leader Mr Yanukovych, the frontrunner in next Sunday's poll, yesterday declined to take part in the debate with Ms Tymoshenko, calling her election vows "dirt and evil".
The Prime Minister's personal attack on her 59-year-old rival appeared to rule out any alliance between them after the election.
Mr Yanukovych, whose support base is in the east and south, won the first round of the election with 35 per cent of vote, 10 per cent ahead of Ms Tymoshenko. But she can make up this ground if she strengthens her position in western and central regions.
Mr Yanukovych, who often stumbles over his words and prefers scripted speeches to project himself, told voters he would abstain from a public debate to avoid Ms Tymoshenko's "torrents of dirt and evil". "I believe that concrete deeds and the word that one gives is more important than sweet and pleasing phrases. This is why I deem it indecent to be dragged into empty talk and compete in lies in the run-up to the election," he said.
Ms Tymoshenko led the 2004 "Orange Revolution" sparked by a rigged election in which Mr Yanukovych was denied victory
Source:independent.co.uk/
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Showing posts with label Yanukovich Front-Runner in Ukraine. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Yanukovich Front-Runner in Ukraine. Show all posts
Wednesday, February 3, 2010
Ukraine's Tymoshenko revels as rival shuns TV clash
The fiery, fast-talking Tymoshenko, facing an empty rostrum where Yanukovich should have stood in their scheduled 100-minute duel, branded him "a common coward" for not turning up.
"I believe that an empty spot is exactly what he is," said Tymoshenko, wearing her trademark peasant-style braids.
"And although he is absent from here, I can feel his smell. This is the smell of fear. I do not want a common coward to become the next leader of our nation," she said sternly.
Opposition leader Yanukovich, frontrunner in next Sunday's clash, declined on Monday to take part in the debate with Prime Minister Tymoshenko, calling her election vows "dirt and evil."
Tymoshenko's deeply personal monologue against the 59-year-old ex-mechanic appeared to rule out any future alliance between them after the election.
Yanukovich, whose support base is in the east and south, won the January 17 first round of the election with 35.32 percent of votes, just over 10 percent ahead of Tymoshenko.
But she can make up this ground if she can strengthen her position in western and central regions.
SCRIPTED SET-PIECES
Yanukovich, who often stumbles over his words and prefers scripted set-pieces to project himself, said in an address to voters earlier on Monday he would abstain from a public debate to avoid Tymoshenko's "torrents of dirt and evil."
"I believe that concrete deeds and the word that one gives is more important than sweet and pleasing phrases. This is why I deem it indecent to be dragged into empty talk and compete in lies in the run-up to the election," he said.
Tymoshenko, 49, repeated her earlier criticism of Yanukovich as a "marionette led by oligarchs to grab power," a reference to the wealthy industrialists backing him.
Tymoshenko, who led 2004 "Orange revolution" street protests sparked by a rigged election in which Yanukovich was denied victory, had also earlier sought to exploit her rival's two jail terms for theft and assault as a young man.
The beefy Yanukovich, who usually shrugs off his opponent's remarks with a smile, has tried to polish up an image of a responsible politician ready to be held to account.
He said late last month that if Tymoshenko would not be held responsible for her actions "her place must be in the kitchen."
Yanukovich enjoys strong support in his native eastern Ukraine and the south, while Tymoshenko's power base lies in the nationalist west and in central regions.
Both hopefuls speak in favor of closer ties with Europe and pragmatic ties with giant neighbor Russia -- the source of most of Ukraine's energy imports. Both paint an equally apocalyptical future in the event of them losing on February 7.
Source:reuters.com/
"I believe that an empty spot is exactly what he is," said Tymoshenko, wearing her trademark peasant-style braids.
"And although he is absent from here, I can feel his smell. This is the smell of fear. I do not want a common coward to become the next leader of our nation," she said sternly.
Opposition leader Yanukovich, frontrunner in next Sunday's clash, declined on Monday to take part in the debate with Prime Minister Tymoshenko, calling her election vows "dirt and evil."
Tymoshenko's deeply personal monologue against the 59-year-old ex-mechanic appeared to rule out any future alliance between them after the election.
Yanukovich, whose support base is in the east and south, won the January 17 first round of the election with 35.32 percent of votes, just over 10 percent ahead of Tymoshenko.
But she can make up this ground if she can strengthen her position in western and central regions.
SCRIPTED SET-PIECES
Yanukovich, who often stumbles over his words and prefers scripted set-pieces to project himself, said in an address to voters earlier on Monday he would abstain from a public debate to avoid Tymoshenko's "torrents of dirt and evil."
"I believe that concrete deeds and the word that one gives is more important than sweet and pleasing phrases. This is why I deem it indecent to be dragged into empty talk and compete in lies in the run-up to the election," he said.
Tymoshenko, 49, repeated her earlier criticism of Yanukovich as a "marionette led by oligarchs to grab power," a reference to the wealthy industrialists backing him.
Tymoshenko, who led 2004 "Orange revolution" street protests sparked by a rigged election in which Yanukovich was denied victory, had also earlier sought to exploit her rival's two jail terms for theft and assault as a young man.
The beefy Yanukovich, who usually shrugs off his opponent's remarks with a smile, has tried to polish up an image of a responsible politician ready to be held to account.
He said late last month that if Tymoshenko would not be held responsible for her actions "her place must be in the kitchen."
Yanukovich enjoys strong support in his native eastern Ukraine and the south, while Tymoshenko's power base lies in the nationalist west and in central regions.
Both hopefuls speak in favor of closer ties with Europe and pragmatic ties with giant neighbor Russia -- the source of most of Ukraine's energy imports. Both paint an equally apocalyptical future in the event of them losing on February 7.
Source:reuters.com/
FACTBOX-Policies of Ukraine's election frontrunners
Feb 2 (Reuters) - Ukrainian opposition leader Viktor Yanukovich and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko battle for the president's post in an election on Sunday that will decide the direction of the ex-Soviet state and may usher in stability.
Analysts say both Yanukovich, a 59-year-old former mechanic, and Tymoshenko, a 49-year-old one-time gas tycoon, are practical politicians who can compromise, especially with their former Soviet master, Russia.
Here is a comparison of their policies on main issues:
RUSSIA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
Neither is saying a choice has to be made between Russia and the rich 27-member EU next door. Both say they want to integrate with Europe while improving ties with Moscow, which deteriorated under President Viktor Yushchenko.
But Tymoshenko is seen as more enthusiastic about the EU, setting the ambitious goal of accession within five years and making frequent references to European standards.
Yanukovich has said he wants to renegotiate a gas supply deal with Russia, which set market prices for gas as of this year, but may balance that with an idea of creating a consortium with Russia's participation to manage Ukraine's pipeline system.
He has fudged his line on Russia's Black Sea Fleet stationed in Ukraine's Crimean peninsula which Ukrainian law states must leave in 2017. He says a solution will be found that will be in both countries' interests.
He has softened his line on Georgian rebel regions since his party called for their recognition as independent states, as Russia did. He repeats Russia's line that the regions are no less independent than Kosovo, recognised by most countries as an independent state but not by Serbia, to which it belonged.
Tymoshenko has said Georgia's territorial integrity must be respected -- indicating that recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia is not on the cards. She notes that the constitution forbids foreign military bases on Ukrainian land.
Source:reuters.com/
Analysts say both Yanukovich, a 59-year-old former mechanic, and Tymoshenko, a 49-year-old one-time gas tycoon, are practical politicians who can compromise, especially with their former Soviet master, Russia.
Here is a comparison of their policies on main issues:
RUSSIA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
Neither is saying a choice has to be made between Russia and the rich 27-member EU next door. Both say they want to integrate with Europe while improving ties with Moscow, which deteriorated under President Viktor Yushchenko.
But Tymoshenko is seen as more enthusiastic about the EU, setting the ambitious goal of accession within five years and making frequent references to European standards.
Yanukovich has said he wants to renegotiate a gas supply deal with Russia, which set market prices for gas as of this year, but may balance that with an idea of creating a consortium with Russia's participation to manage Ukraine's pipeline system.
He has fudged his line on Russia's Black Sea Fleet stationed in Ukraine's Crimean peninsula which Ukrainian law states must leave in 2017. He says a solution will be found that will be in both countries' interests.
He has softened his line on Georgian rebel regions since his party called for their recognition as independent states, as Russia did. He repeats Russia's line that the regions are no less independent than Kosovo, recognised by most countries as an independent state but not by Serbia, to which it belonged.
Tymoshenko has said Georgia's territorial integrity must be respected -- indicating that recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia is not on the cards. She notes that the constitution forbids foreign military bases on Ukrainian land.
Source:reuters.com/
Crimea's loyalty split in Ukraine election
As Ukraine prepares to vote in a new president in an election run-off on Sunday, the BBC's Jamie Coomarasamy reports from Crimea, where people are ambivalent about their Ukrainian nationality.
It is easy to mix up Russia and Ukraine when you are in Crimea.
Just ask Viktor Yanukovych.
The Ukrainian presidential candidate made a faux pas last week, when he referred to the Russian writer Anton Chekhov - a long time resident of the peninsula - as Ukrainian.
But in this part of the country his gaffe is unlikely to benefit his opponent on Sunday, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
At least, that is what I was told - by a multitude of voices - when I took a ride on the form of transport known locally as "Hyde Park on wheels"; the old, rickety, Soviet-era trolley bus that lurches around town.
The nickname comes from their elderly passengers, who like to leap onto their metaphorical soap boxes - such as those found in Hyde Park's Speakers Corner - whilst sitting comfortably in their seats.
'Ukraine for the people'
A basic question about the election, on route number 10, unleashed a torrent of comments.
All of them were anti-Mrs Tymoshenko.
"You can't trust someone who changes her opinions as often as she changes dresses" and "she should be in jail" were typical.
Source:news.bbc.co.uk/
It is easy to mix up Russia and Ukraine when you are in Crimea.
Just ask Viktor Yanukovych.
The Ukrainian presidential candidate made a faux pas last week, when he referred to the Russian writer Anton Chekhov - a long time resident of the peninsula - as Ukrainian.
But in this part of the country his gaffe is unlikely to benefit his opponent on Sunday, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
At least, that is what I was told - by a multitude of voices - when I took a ride on the form of transport known locally as "Hyde Park on wheels"; the old, rickety, Soviet-era trolley bus that lurches around town.
The nickname comes from their elderly passengers, who like to leap onto their metaphorical soap boxes - such as those found in Hyde Park's Speakers Corner - whilst sitting comfortably in their seats.
'Ukraine for the people'
A basic question about the election, on route number 10, unleashed a torrent of comments.
All of them were anti-Mrs Tymoshenko.
"You can't trust someone who changes her opinions as often as she changes dresses" and "she should be in jail" were typical.
Source:news.bbc.co.uk/
Azerbaijani parliamentarians to observe second round of Ukrainian presidential elections with PACE delegation
Baku. Lachin Sultanova – APA. 30 observers from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) will follow the second round of the presidential elections in Ukraine on February 7, APA reports. The delegation led by Hungarian MP Matias Iorsh will also include two members of the Azerbaijani delegation to PACE Ganira Pashayeva and Sabir Hajiyev.
PACE observers will follow the elections together with the representatives of OSCE and NATO PA, European Parliament and OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The extra delegation of observers include member of the Venice Commission and independent experts of the Council of Europe.
PACE observers will be in Ukraine from February 5 till 8. They will meet with candidates, CEC officials and representatives of NGOs.
The initial opinion of the international observers will be declared at the press conference on February 8.
Source:en.apa.az/
PACE observers will follow the elections together with the representatives of OSCE and NATO PA, European Parliament and OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The extra delegation of observers include member of the Venice Commission and independent experts of the Council of Europe.
PACE observers will be in Ukraine from February 5 till 8. They will meet with candidates, CEC officials and representatives of NGOs.
The initial opinion of the international observers will be declared at the press conference on February 8.
Source:en.apa.az/
Georgia Decides Not To Send Its Observers For Presidential Election Runoff
Georgia decided not to send its observers to Ukraine for the presidential election runoff, reads a statement made by the press service to Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili.
"Georgian observers will not be sent to monitor the second round of the election of the president of Ukraine because of some misunderstanding surrounding Georgian observers during the first round," said Manana Manjgaladze, Saakashvili's press secretary.
Apart from this, Georgia is calling on its citizens who monitor the presidential election in Ukraine under the aegis of international organisations to return back home.
Manjgaladze stressed, Georgia was trying to keep neutrality on account of respect to both runners in the election. She noted Saakashvili wished the Ukrainian people to make a successful choice.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the Kyivskyi district prosecutors' office of Donetsk filed a criminal case on January 25 on the suspicion that Georgian election observers had used forged documents identifying them as journalists during the first round of the Ukrainian presidential election in Donetsk on January 17.
Levan Tarhnishvili, acting head of Georgia's central election commission and the head of the Georgian delegation of election observers, confirmed that a delegation of 400 Georgian citizens with documents identifying them as freelance correspondents of Ukrainian media stayed in Donetsk.
The Central Electoral Commission refused on January 11 to register these observers from Georgia to monitor the presidential election.
The Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeals later ruled unlawful the commission's act of refusing registration to the Georgian observers.
Source:un.ua/
"Georgian observers will not be sent to monitor the second round of the election of the president of Ukraine because of some misunderstanding surrounding Georgian observers during the first round," said Manana Manjgaladze, Saakashvili's press secretary.
Apart from this, Georgia is calling on its citizens who monitor the presidential election in Ukraine under the aegis of international organisations to return back home.
Manjgaladze stressed, Georgia was trying to keep neutrality on account of respect to both runners in the election. She noted Saakashvili wished the Ukrainian people to make a successful choice.
As Ukrainian News earlier reported, the Kyivskyi district prosecutors' office of Donetsk filed a criminal case on January 25 on the suspicion that Georgian election observers had used forged documents identifying them as journalists during the first round of the Ukrainian presidential election in Donetsk on January 17.
Levan Tarhnishvili, acting head of Georgia's central election commission and the head of the Georgian delegation of election observers, confirmed that a delegation of 400 Georgian citizens with documents identifying them as freelance correspondents of Ukrainian media stayed in Donetsk.
The Central Electoral Commission refused on January 11 to register these observers from Georgia to monitor the presidential election.
The Kyiv Administrative Court of Appeals later ruled unlawful the commission's act of refusing registration to the Georgian observers.
Source:un.ua/
MP heads to Ukraine as election observer
Parkdale-High Park MP Gerard Kennedy is among hundreds of Canadians who will be in Ukraine working as election observers this weekend as Ukrainians go to the polls Sunday, Feb. 7 to elect a new president.
No stranger to the mission, Kennedy was on hand for the parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2007.
"The real story, as far as I'm concerned, is Canadians have been deployed as experts since the Orange Revolution. They're very knowledgeable," said Kennedy in an interview two days before his Feb. 4 departure. "They really embed themselves."
Kennedy will be there to lend some official support to workers on the ground. Organized by the Canadian Ukrainian Foundation in partnership with the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, the election observer mission supports transparency and democracy by assessing the election process. These volunteers are there to monitor the process and by their presence, encourage a fair and democratic election.
Kennedy commended the volunteers whom he has seen in action.
"What they do is very, very admirable," said Kennedy. "They get up at 7 a.m. and work until midnight before they go back to their motel."
People who have been there, said the MP, know there are "real advances" going on in the country.
"Ukraine wants to prove to the world they can conduct their election," said Kennedy. "If they don't have credibility with citizens there, the country can't move forward."
The first round of elections took place Jan. 17, a process that was reported to have been 'adequate' in its attempt to meet international election standards. However, Canadian observers uncovered several irregularities, including an attempt to sabotage the election in 28 small communities around the Kyiv region, said Kennedy. The politician said he came across similar situations on his visit three years ago. The group he was with "intruded upon" a number of people illegally distributing ballots.
He said police were brought in by those trying to give out illegal ballots because they represented the dominant party and the local government in the region.
“We observers had our passports taken and were detained,” said Kennedy. “We got out after a five hour standoff after a combination of persuasion and the fact we had a couple of members of the national police show up based on a friendship by the Canadian leader of the local observer group with the president’s wife.”
"You come to take for granted the regular conduct of election. It reminds you how important it is," said Kennedy. "There is no independent election commission in Ukraine. The parties get to run the election."
Kennedy, who happens to be of Ukrainian heritage - his mother is Ukrainian - will be in Ukraine for five days.
Source:insidetoronto.com/
No stranger to the mission, Kennedy was on hand for the parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2007.
"The real story, as far as I'm concerned, is Canadians have been deployed as experts since the Orange Revolution. They're very knowledgeable," said Kennedy in an interview two days before his Feb. 4 departure. "They really embed themselves."
Kennedy will be there to lend some official support to workers on the ground. Organized by the Canadian Ukrainian Foundation in partnership with the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, the election observer mission supports transparency and democracy by assessing the election process. These volunteers are there to monitor the process and by their presence, encourage a fair and democratic election.
Kennedy commended the volunteers whom he has seen in action.
"What they do is very, very admirable," said Kennedy. "They get up at 7 a.m. and work until midnight before they go back to their motel."
People who have been there, said the MP, know there are "real advances" going on in the country.
"Ukraine wants to prove to the world they can conduct their election," said Kennedy. "If they don't have credibility with citizens there, the country can't move forward."
The first round of elections took place Jan. 17, a process that was reported to have been 'adequate' in its attempt to meet international election standards. However, Canadian observers uncovered several irregularities, including an attempt to sabotage the election in 28 small communities around the Kyiv region, said Kennedy. The politician said he came across similar situations on his visit three years ago. The group he was with "intruded upon" a number of people illegally distributing ballots.
He said police were brought in by those trying to give out illegal ballots because they represented the dominant party and the local government in the region.
“We observers had our passports taken and were detained,” said Kennedy. “We got out after a five hour standoff after a combination of persuasion and the fact we had a couple of members of the national police show up based on a friendship by the Canadian leader of the local observer group with the president’s wife.”
"You come to take for granted the regular conduct of election. It reminds you how important it is," said Kennedy. "There is no independent election commission in Ukraine. The parties get to run the election."
Kennedy, who happens to be of Ukrainian heritage - his mother is Ukrainian - will be in Ukraine for five days.
Source:insidetoronto.com/
Yanukovich Seen as Front-Runner in Ukraine Presidential Election
Former Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich faces current Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko in a presidential runoff February 7. Mr. Yanukovich, who lost the last presidential elections in 2004, but is now seen as the front-runner.
He is the leader of the powerful "Party of Regions" in the Ukrainian parliament.
University of Toronto Ukrainian expert Frank Sysyn says the party is composed of various business interests in the south and east of Ukraine. "It comes predominantly out of the Donbass and particularly the Donetzk Oblast (province). It is a party that represents forces who wish to keep control by certain oligarchs within that region and to a very considerable degree it was financed by one of the richest, or the richest, man in Ukraine, Rinat Akhmetov. In many ways the Donetzk Oblast can seem to be his bailiwick. It also has influence throughout the south and east of the country, although there are other regional and economic elites that oppose it. It has relatively little support in central Ukraine and almost none in western Ukraine. And it also is a party that is closely allied with what may be seen as Russian-language interests and with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine," he said.
Mr. Yanukovich was born in 1950 in the industrial city of Dnipropetrovsk, in eastern Ukraine. His chief rival for the presidency, Yulia Tymoshenko was also born in that city, but 10 years later.
David Marples, an expert on Ukraine from the University of Alberta, says Yanukovich had a troubled youth. "He was arrested in 1968 and convicted to a juvenile colony for manslaughter. And then in 1970 he was arrested again and sent to jail, apparently for beating up someone. His official biography has been actually revamped, removed most of this early period out of there," he said.
Ironically, says Marples, Yulia Tymoshenko also spent time in prison - but for so-called "white collar" crimes. "So both the presidential candidates of Ukraine have been in jail, which I think must be quite unique in the history of presidential elections in any country. They are very different kinds of felonies: one arrested for corrupt business practices and the other for attacking somebody. So one is a kind of working class felon and the other is a kind of middle-class business felon, you could say," he said.
Marples says Mr. Yanukovich has a masters degree in international law and a doctorate in economics - as does Ms. Timoshenko. He is also a member of Ukraine's National Academy of Sciences.
Source:voanews.com/
He is the leader of the powerful "Party of Regions" in the Ukrainian parliament.
University of Toronto Ukrainian expert Frank Sysyn says the party is composed of various business interests in the south and east of Ukraine. "It comes predominantly out of the Donbass and particularly the Donetzk Oblast (province). It is a party that represents forces who wish to keep control by certain oligarchs within that region and to a very considerable degree it was financed by one of the richest, or the richest, man in Ukraine, Rinat Akhmetov. In many ways the Donetzk Oblast can seem to be his bailiwick. It also has influence throughout the south and east of the country, although there are other regional and economic elites that oppose it. It has relatively little support in central Ukraine and almost none in western Ukraine. And it also is a party that is closely allied with what may be seen as Russian-language interests and with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine," he said.
Mr. Yanukovich was born in 1950 in the industrial city of Dnipropetrovsk, in eastern Ukraine. His chief rival for the presidency, Yulia Tymoshenko was also born in that city, but 10 years later.
David Marples, an expert on Ukraine from the University of Alberta, says Yanukovich had a troubled youth. "He was arrested in 1968 and convicted to a juvenile colony for manslaughter. And then in 1970 he was arrested again and sent to jail, apparently for beating up someone. His official biography has been actually revamped, removed most of this early period out of there," he said.
Ironically, says Marples, Yulia Tymoshenko also spent time in prison - but for so-called "white collar" crimes. "So both the presidential candidates of Ukraine have been in jail, which I think must be quite unique in the history of presidential elections in any country. They are very different kinds of felonies: one arrested for corrupt business practices and the other for attacking somebody. So one is a kind of working class felon and the other is a kind of middle-class business felon, you could say," he said.
Marples says Mr. Yanukovich has a masters degree in international law and a doctorate in economics - as does Ms. Timoshenko. He is also a member of Ukraine's National Academy of Sciences.
Source:voanews.com/
Five years on in Kiev
ON DECEMBER 3rd 2004 jubilant crowds flowed into a snowbound Kiev’s Independence Square, waving their orange flags, to celebrate a court decision to annul Ukraine’s rigged presidential election two weeks earlier. They cried and they danced—and the world was gripped by the sight of a sleepy Ukrainian people waking up to defend their freedom.
Days later, their hero, Viktor Yushchenko, his face disfigured by a mysterious poisoning, promised change. “Everything will change in Ukraine from today. We were independent for 14 years but we were not free…We should roll up our sleeves and work honestly from morning till night for this country.” He promised that bandits would go to jail, honest types would replace corrupt officials and judges would no longer take bribes—and that in five years’ time Ukrainians would be proud of their achievements. For a time Ukraine became fashionable the world over.
All that enthusiasm has now turned to fatigue. Ukraine’s under-reformed economy teeters on the edge of national bankruptcy, the rule of law is elusive, courts remain corrupt and the parliament resembles a trading platform for business tycoons in which deals are made and seats bought and sold. In April 2005 some 53% of Ukrainians said their country was on the right track. Now 81% believe it is heading in the wrong direction. Ukraine lies 17th from bottom in the latest global index of economic freedom, below Russia and Belarus.
It is to the credit of the voters that the failure of Mr Yushchenko and his team has not discredited the very concept of democracy, as happened in Russia in the 1990s. In the election Mr Yushchenko was unceremoniously booted out, gaining just over 5% of the vote. Viktor Yanukovich, the bad guy in 2004, got 35%, against 25% for Yulia Tymoshenko, the prime minister, who energised the crowds in 2004 but has since fallen out bitterly with Mr Yushchenko. The two front-runners will now face each other in a second round on February 7th.
Ukraine is as divided as ever, with the industrialised, Russian-speaking east and south backing Mr Yanukovich and the centre and west supporting Ms Tymoshenko. The only politician who did well all over the country was Serhiy Tyhypko, a former banker who ran and then quit Mr Yanukovich’s campaign in 2004. He fought the best campaign and took 13% of the vote despite, or more likely because of, being absent from politics in the past five years.
Source:economist.com/
Days later, their hero, Viktor Yushchenko, his face disfigured by a mysterious poisoning, promised change. “Everything will change in Ukraine from today. We were independent for 14 years but we were not free…We should roll up our sleeves and work honestly from morning till night for this country.” He promised that bandits would go to jail, honest types would replace corrupt officials and judges would no longer take bribes—and that in five years’ time Ukrainians would be proud of their achievements. For a time Ukraine became fashionable the world over.
All that enthusiasm has now turned to fatigue. Ukraine’s under-reformed economy teeters on the edge of national bankruptcy, the rule of law is elusive, courts remain corrupt and the parliament resembles a trading platform for business tycoons in which deals are made and seats bought and sold. In April 2005 some 53% of Ukrainians said their country was on the right track. Now 81% believe it is heading in the wrong direction. Ukraine lies 17th from bottom in the latest global index of economic freedom, below Russia and Belarus.
It is to the credit of the voters that the failure of Mr Yushchenko and his team has not discredited the very concept of democracy, as happened in Russia in the 1990s. In the election Mr Yushchenko was unceremoniously booted out, gaining just over 5% of the vote. Viktor Yanukovich, the bad guy in 2004, got 35%, against 25% for Yulia Tymoshenko, the prime minister, who energised the crowds in 2004 but has since fallen out bitterly with Mr Yushchenko. The two front-runners will now face each other in a second round on February 7th.
Ukraine is as divided as ever, with the industrialised, Russian-speaking east and south backing Mr Yanukovich and the centre and west supporting Ms Tymoshenko. The only politician who did well all over the country was Serhiy Tyhypko, a former banker who ran and then quit Mr Yanukovich’s campaign in 2004. He fought the best campaign and took 13% of the vote despite, or more likely because of, being absent from politics in the past five years.
Source:economist.com/
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